In his latest book, Conservatives Without Conscience, former Nixon White House operative John Dean attempts to explain why the Republican party has abandoned the libertarian policies championed by its 1964 presidential nominee, Barry Goldwater.
Dean draws heavily on psychology professor Bob Altemeyer's study of "right-wing authoritarianism."
Altemeyer disclaims using the term "right-wing" in the political sense of left-liberal versus right-conservative or economic sense of socialism versus capitalism, but rather
in "a psychological sense of submitting to the perceived authorities in one's life" (Altemeyer, 1996, p. 10).
Indeed, if one looks at the origin of the left-right political/economic/psychological designation, it began in the national legislature of pre-revolutionary France, where the nobles professing allegiance to the monarch sat to his right, and those who challenged the monarch's authority (including libertarian Frederic Bastiat) sat to his left.
Today, although there are many definitions and uses of the term "left-right spectrum," the political science academy's use of the term has almost the exact opposite meaning. For example, according to the last text I used to teach political science, the further "left" one is on the political spectrum, the more one favors government intervention in the economy; the further "right" one is on the political spectrum, the more one opposes government intervention in the economy.
Altemeyer's work, which is not without its critics, was also used in a branding survey conducted by the national Libertarian Party to identify libertarians and so-called "RWAs" in the general American population.
LNC Communications Director Stephen Gordon summarized the survey's findings thusly:
[P]resent resistance to libertarian political thought in America derives not so much from considered and well-reasoned anti-libertarian opinion as from a basic psychological tendency of many people to oppose any political orientation which they perceive as being counter to that supported by the "legitimate authorities." Americans who are strongly counter-libertarian will continue to oppose the Libertarian agenda so long as they see it as not being sanctioned by their existing political authorities. We now know that it would be fruitless to target the seriously authoritarian groups, but fortunately they are a minority.
Unfortunately, RWAs currently wield the political power of the United States government, and are recruiting more to join the government's ranks.
What's encouraging to freedom-lovers is that Americans are increasingly unhappy with the nation's direction and the current neoconservative administration.
Furthermore, more and more young Americans are choosing to join civil society's entrepreneurs and producers, instead of the coercers and sinecurists of the political class.
At the conclusion of Altemeyer's book, The Authoritarian Specter, he says to those troubled by the findings from his research: "When you understand, you know better how to produce change." (1996, p. 303)
Recognizing that counter-libertarians who favor the status quo will work to resist change [using some of the techniques identified in brackets], I have adapted (by removing their coercive features) Altemeyer's ten recommendations for combatting authoritarianism.
1. Identify and confront RWAs about their views, because 80 percent of those Altemeyer identified as RWAs were surprised and upset when they learned about it, and wanted to change. [Hence, RWA exclusion of and opposition to ideas and influences which threaten group member compliance and obedience.]
2. Bring RWAs into contact, as equals, with people they would otherwise avoid. Once a RWA gets to know individuals outside the RWA's ingroup, e.g., homosexuals, prejudice decreases. [Hence, the enforcement of loyalty among ingroup members.]
3. Encourage secular educational instruction (although not necessarily government schools, which are institutionally-oriented to inculcate obedience) to expose students to more diverse people and opinions. [Hence, opposition to curricula containing "worldly" ideas.]
4. Encourage journalism that reports crime and violence in perspective ... it's not as common as many might think from watching televised news programs (PDF file). Scare-mongering and hyping fear promotes authoritarianism, which is why dictatorships routinely control media outlets. [Hence, Fox News.]
5. Discourage ethnocentrism, authoritarianism, and self-righteousness in communities of faith, yours and others. [Contra promotion of "traditional" families and values.]
6. Refrain from violence when protesting. "Wild cards" and agents provocateurs produce visuals of chaotic demonstrations, swelling the ranks of authoritarians (note comments and responses). [Hence, false flag and other provocative acts by authoritarians.]
7. Moderates on any side of a conflict can look past the authoritarians on the polarized, front lines to find common ground with other moderates. [Hence, Republican and Democratic marginalization of less authoritarian party members.]
8. Debunk myths with facts; counter messages of hate with messages of tolerance. [Hence, Straussian justification for the "Big Lie," and arguments against tolerance.]
9. Don't give authoritarians the power they seek with your vote. [They may attempt to buy your vote or soften their hard edges just before the election.]
10. Recognize your own capacity to enable authoritarians. "Good Germans" democratically elected the Third Reich.
U.S. soldiers are gradually returning home from overseas campaigns. Will they return to their former professions and an economy that is healthy, decentralized, and not militarized beyond return? Or will economic circumstances encourage them to sign up with Noriega-style "Dignity Battalions," administered by the Department of Homeland Security and funded by the energy-military-security industrial congressional complex to suppress dissent and terrorize Americans with opposing views?
Our response to the authoritarians among us will determine the answer.
Yours in liberty,
Rob Latham, Chairman
Libertarian Party of Utah